1917, 2017: Rusland als gamechanger? / Russia as Game Changer?

22 april 2017, 10.00-18.30

Locatie: Hermitage Amsterdam (ochtend); ​Universiteitstheater, Nieuwe Doelenstraat 16-18, Amsterdam (middag)

Congres met Oost-Europese studies UvA, Russische en Slavische studies UvA, Hermitage Amsterdam, International Institute for Social History, NIOD Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies en Raam op Rusland

 

Programma

[scroll down for English]

Hermitage Amstel

10.00-11.30 Romanovs & Revolutietentoonstelling: rondleiding

Universiteitstheater

12.45 Opening middagsessies (Ellen Rutten, UvA​)

13.15-14.30 PANEL1: 

Breaking the Rules: Are There Parallels Between 1917 and 2017? / Protest en verzet: zijn er parallellen tussen 1917 en 2017?

Hubert Smeets (Raam op Rusland, moderator)

Pepijn Brandon (IISH), "Het dagert in het Oosten: Reacties op de Russische Revolutie onder Nederlandse socialisten"

In de woelige jaren rond het einde van de Eerste Wereldoorlog liepen de politieke en sociale spanningen ook in Nederland hoog op. De Russische Revolutie vormde een katalysator: voor sommigen als inspiratiebron, voor anderen als waarschuwing. Het Aardappeloproer in Amsterdam, de "Ruitenrevolutie" in Rotterdam en Den Haag, en soldatenrellen in de Harskamp bewezen voor socialisten dat de roep van de revolutie ook hier gehoord zou worden.  

Michael Kemper (UvA), "1917, 1937, 2017: Russia's problematic relationship to Islam" 

The Bolshevik Revolution promised to liberate Russia's Muslims from colonialism, and many Muslim intellectuals joined the Soviet project. These hopes were violently crushed in the Red Terror of 1936-38. Today, the leadership is not interested in coming to terms with Stalin's state violence, but again emphasizes Russia's proximity to the Muslim World, which is also central in  Eurasianist projects. What does the Soviet experience tell us about state-Islam relations in contemporary Russia?

Chris Noack (UvA), "1917 -2014/17 Russia as a game-changer in International relations?"           

1917 has also been a crucial year in the history of diplomacy and international relations. Both, the October revolution and the Bolshevik’s subsequent attempts to quit the war and America’s entry challenged the established way the European powers had conducted foreign policy through professional diplomatic services. By the 1920s, Soviet Russia slowly returned to the diplomatic game, but continued to explore alternative “channels” like the Comintern and “public diplomacy" too. Does Putin, be it in Syria or Ukraine, challenge international relations in a comparable way?

14.30-15.45 PANEL 2:

Let op: dit panel is Engelstalig 

Crime without Punishment

If post-revolutionary Russia was a gamechanger, then the new game was not a particularly uplifting one. In this panel, we explore the fundamentally tragic marks that the crimes of communism left on the twentieth century. From the Bolshevik Revolution until the dissolution of the Soviet Union, millions of Soviet citizens were victimized by their own government.  The ‘terror’ did not just define the 1930s – it was an integral part of the Soviet system, from the beginning until the end.  The post-Soviet Russian government has yet to fully confront the crimes of its predecessor.  This panel will first examine the early crimes of the Soviet regime under Lenin, then it will look at the Stalinist perpetrators during the Great Terror and at Katyn (1940), and finally it will reflect on the victims.

Marc Jansen (UvA), “Lenin’s Crimes” "Lenins misdaden”

This presentation will reflect on the changing image of Lenin in the former Soviet Union and today’s Russia.  It will address whether it is possible to speak of Lenin’s crimes, and if so, which crimes can be attributed to the first Soviet leader.

Nikita Petrov (Memorial, Moscow) “Stalin’s Crimes: The Great Terror (1937-1938) and Katyn (1940)Stalins misdaden: de Grote Terreur 1937-1938 en Katyn 1940: De daders en slachtoffers

Nikita Petrov, Vice-Chairman of the NGO Memorial in Moscow, is a leading expert on the Stalinist repressions of the 1930s.  Stalin’s violent regime was characterized by terror – arbitrary arrests, torture during interrogation, show trials, and executions were the norm.  How did Stalin’s secret police go about their work in the thirties, how did their tactics emerge, and who were they?

Nanci Adler (NIOD): “Who Were the Victims? Revisiting 27 years of Oral Histories”

Slide presentation with short  biographies of the Gulag survivor interviewees in the course of three research projects in Russia (1989 – 1992), (1994 – 1999), (2005 – 2009).

15.45-16.00 Tea/coffee break

16.00-17.15 PANEL 3:

From Modern to Postmodern Iconoclasm: Avant-Gardes, Images, Symbols / Van modern naar postmodern iconoclasme: avant-gardes, beelden, symbolen

Kysia Hekster (NOS) moderator

Eva Cukier (NRC), "Media and the 'Russian soul: 'Anything goes'"

De spreker richt zich op de manier waarop de "traditionele" Russische waarden (Kerk, gezin, patriottisme, de gemeenschap, etc) in de Kremlingezinde media worden 'verkocht' aan het volk, o.a. door zenders als NTV en Pervy Kanal, maar zeker ook door iemand als Alexander Doegin via zijn eigen zender Tsargrad. Daarbij verliezen begrippen als waarheid en objectiviteit hun waarde en ondergeschikt aan zaken als eigenbelang, emoties en macht. Altijd weer wordt de tegenstelling, het conflict opgezocht, spelregels zijn er nauwelijks.

Ellen Rutten (UvA), "Oprechte strijders? Russische revolutieretoriek in 1917 en 2017"

Wat betekent oprechtheid in Poetins Rusland -- een land dat Nederlandse media vooral zien als bakermat van fake news? En wat betekende 'oprecht handelen' in de tijd van de Russische revolutie? In de jaren 1910 pleitte Vladimir Lenin voor meer oprechtheid in de Russische politiek. Gebrek aan oprechte steun voor de partij: onder Stalin kon dat verwijt aanleiding zijn voor een doodvonnis. In de jaren 2010 zeggen Aleksej Navalnyj, Nadezjda Tolokonnikova en andere Russische oppositiepolitici en activisten: wij zijn, in tegenstelling tot Poetin en zijn handlangers, wél oprecht. In 'Oprechte strijders' vergelijk ik oprechtheidsretoriek in Rusland toen en nu. Hoe functioneert die retoriek, en welke sociale verlangens en zorgen vertolk(t)en strijders voor politieke oprechtheid?

Marielle Wijermars (Aleksanteri Institute, Helsinki), "Herbeleef de Russische Revolutie - social media stijl: project “1917 - vrije geschiedenis”/ "Reliving the Russian Revolution in the Age of Social Media: Project "1917 - Free History"

In response to the centennial of the Russian Revolution, various initiatives have emerged in Russia to commemorate the events and their legacy. The paper discusses the example of the online project “1917 - Free History,” which allows its visitors to relive 1917 in real time. Presented in the format of a social media-feed, one can explore what “really” happened through the eyes of both famous and lesser-known contemporaries. The project exemplifies the exciting innovations that are taking place in Russian new media today – and that may well be change the rules of the games for media industries beyond Russia's borders.

17.15-18.30 Drinks

English

1917, 2017: Russia as Game Changer?

A 1-day conference with Eastern European Studies UvA, Russian & Slavic studies UvA, Hermitage Amsterdam, International Institute for Social History, NIOD Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, NRC, Raam op Rusland

22 april 2017, 10.00-18.30

Location: Hermitage Amsterdam (morning); Universiteitstheater, Nieuwe Doelenstraat 16-18, Amsterdam (afternoon)

Hermitage Amstel

10.00-11.30 Russia & Romanovs Exhibition: guided tour

Universiteitstheater

12.45 Opening afternoon session (Ellen Rutten, UvA)

13.15-14.30 PANEL 1: 

Breaking the Rules: Are There Parallels Between 1917 and 2017?

Hubert Smeets (Raam op Rusland) moderator

Pepijn Brandon (IISH), "Het dagert in het Oosten: Reacties op de Russische Revolutie onder Nederlandse socialisten"

In de woelige jaren rond het einde van de Eerste Wereldoorlog liepen de politieke en sociale spanningen ook in Nederland hoog op. De Russische Revolutie vormde een katalysator: voor sommigen als inspiratiebron, voor anderen als waarschuwing. Het Aardappeloproer in Amsterdam, de "Ruitenrevolutie" in Rotterdam en Den Haag, en soldatenrellen in de Harskamp bewezen voor socialisten dat de roep van de revolutie ook hier gehoord zou worden.  

Michael Kemper (UvA), "1917, 1937, 2017: Russia's problematic relationship to Islam" 

The Bolshevik Revolution promised to liberate Russia's Muslims from colonialism, and many Muslim intellectuals joined the Soviet project. These hopes were violently crushed in the Red Terror of 1936-38. Today, the leadership is not interested in coming to terms with Stalin's state violence, but again emphasizes Russia's proximity to the Muslim World, which is also central in  Eurasianist projects. What does the Soviet experience tell us about state-Islam relations in contemporary Russia?

Chris Noack (UvA) "1917 -2014/17 Russia as a game-changer in International relations?"

1917 has also been a crucial year in the history of diplomacy and international relations. Both, the October revolution and the Bolshevik’s subsequent attempts to quit the war and America’s entry challenged the established way the European powers had conducted foreign policy through professional diplomatic services. By the 1920s, Soviet Russia slowly returned to the diplomatic game, but continued to explore alternative “channels” like the Comintern and “public diplomacy" too. Does Putin, be it in Syria or Ukraine, challenge international relations in a comparable way?

14.30-15.45 PANEL 2:

Crime without Punishment

If post-revolutionary Russia was a game changer, then the new game was not a particularly uplifting one. In this panel, we explore the fundamentally tragic marks that the crimes of communism left on the twentieth century. From the Bolshevik Revolution until the dissolution of the Soviet Union, millions of Soviet citizens were victimized by their own government.  The ‘terror’ did not just define the 1930s – it was an integral part of the Soviet system, from the beginning until the end.  The post-Soviet Russian government has yet to fully confront the crimes of its predecessor.  This panel will first examine the early crimes of the Soviet regime under Lenin, then it will look at the Stalinist perpetrators during the Great Terror and at Katyn (1940), and finally it will reflect on the victims.

Marc Jansen (UvA), “Lenin’s Crimes” "Lenins misdaden

This presentation will reflect on the changing image of Lenin in the former Soviet Union and today’s Russia.  It will address whether it is possible to speak of Lenin’s crimes, and if so, which crimes can be attributed to the first Soviet leader.

Nikita Petrov (Memorial, Moscow) “Stalin’s Crimes: The Great Terror (1937-1938) and Katyn (1940)Stalins misdaden: de Grote Terreur 1937-1938 en Katyn 1940: De daders en slachtoffers

Nikita Petrov, Vice-Chairman of the NGO Memorial in Moscow, is a leading expert on the Stalinist repressions of the 1930s.  Stalin’s violent regime was characterized by terror – arbitrary arrests, torture during interrogation, show trials, and executions were the norm.  How did Stalin’s secret police go about their work in the thirties, how did their tactics emerge, and who were they?

Nanci Adler (NIOD): “Who Were the Victims? Revisiting 27 years of Oral Histories”

Slide presentation with short  biographies of the Gulag survivor interviewees in the course of three research projects in Russia (1989 – 1992), (1994 – 1999), (2005 – 2009).

15.45-16.00 Tea/coffee break

16.00-17.15 PANEL 3: 

​From Modern to Postmodern Iconoclasm: Avant-Gardes, Images, Symbols

Kysia Hekster (NOS) moderator

Eva Cukier (NRC), "Media and the 'Russian soul: 'Anything goes'"

De spreker richt zich op de manier waarop de "traditionele" Russische waarden (Kerk, gezin, patriottisme, de gemeenschap, etc) in de Kremlingezinde media worden 'verkocht' aan het volk, o.a. door zenders als NTV en Pervy Kanal, maar zeker ook door iemand als Alexander Doegin via zijn eigen zender Tsargrad. Daarbij verliezen begrippen als waarheid en objectiviteit hun waarde en ondergeschikt aan zaken als eigenbelang, emoties en macht. Altijd weer wordt de tegenstelling, het conflict opgezocht, spelregels zijn er nauwelijks.

Ellen Rutten (UvA), "Oprechte strijders? Russische revolutieretoriek in 1917 en 2017"

Wat betekent oprechtheid in Poetins Rusland -- een land dat Nederlandse media vooral zien als bakermat van fake news? En wat betekende 'oprecht handelen' in de tijd van de Russische revolutie? In de jaren 1910 pleitte Vladimir Lenin voor meer oprechtheid in de Russische politiek. Gebrek aan oprechte steun voor de partij: onder Stalin kon dat verwijt aanleiding zijn voor een doodvonnis. In de jaren 2010 zeggen Aleksej Navalnyj, Nadezjda Tolokonnikova en andere Russische oppositiepolitici en activisten: wij zijn, in tegenstelling tot Poetin en zijn handlangers, wél oprecht. In 'Oprechte strijders' vergelijk ik oprechtheidsretoriek in Rusland toen en nu. Hoe functioneert die retoriek, en welke sociale verlangens en zorgen vertolk(t)en strijders voor politieke oprechtheid?

Marielle Wijermars (Aleksanteri Institute, Helsinki), "Herbeleef de Russische Revolutie - social media stijl: project “1917 - vrije geschiedenis”/ "Reliving the Russian Revolution in the Age of Social Media: Project "1917 - Free History"

In response to the centennial of the Russian Revolution, various initiatives have emerged in Russia to commemorate the events and their legacy. The paper discusses the example of the online project “1917 - Free History,” which allows its visitors to relive 1917 in real time. Presented in the format of a social media-feed, one can explore what “really” happened through the eyes of both famous and lesser-known contemporaries. The project exemplifies the exciting innovations that are taking place in Russian new media today – and that may well be change the rules of the games for media industries beyond Russia's borders.

17.15-18.30 Drinks